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Happy March and safe travels for those who are traveling to Washington soon.

To People off the registry I would like to tell you guys about.my experience visiting another state. The first couple days were kool didn’t even think about the registry, the state I was visiting was 14 days before having to register so I stayed out there visiting family having a good time till around the 12th day then I started getting nauseous and became paranoid, the feeling of being arrested for FTR in another state and place back on the registry and place back into IML database while fighting the case from county jail.
I became completely detached from having fun and enjoying vmy family anymore I was extremely nervous in my experience 2 days was cutting it close. My family wanted me to stay one more week but I said no I gotta go I booked a plane ticket that day and was back in California on the 13th day
What started as nice peaceful fun trip visiting family turned into a registry nightmare situation even though I’m off in California I’m still a person forced to register when I cross the state line then the clock starts ticking.
This is gonna be a really big problem in the future not just me but for a lot of people.

How Do People End Up on the Sex Offense Registry?
Surprisingly, some are added for actions that many wouldn’t expect, such as:
· Downloading explicit content or taking nude photos of oneself
· Consensual sexual activity between minors
· Innocent physical contact—like hugging a child in a way someone deems inappropriate
· Public acts like mooning, flashing, or even urinating in public.
Age Range of Those on the Registry
· Youngest: 6 years old
· Oldest: 101 years old
…………………………………………………………………………………………………
Who Pays for the Registry? You do. Taxpayer dollars fund the system.
Cost to Operate the Registry Nationwide: $40.1 billion ($40,100,000,000.00).
(Police and Sheriff units nationwide, DOJ, SMART, US Marshall, Justice Assistance,
US General Services, Dept of State, National & State Registries, Watch programs ++)
———————————————————————————————————————
The Sex Offense Registry is for LIFE – no matter the offense.
Who is NOT on the Registry?    
               * Serial killers                     * Mass shooters                       * Terrorists
* Infamous figures like Adolf Hitler, Charles Manson, Ted Bundy, Jack the Ripper, Stalin,
   Mussolini, Bonnie & Clyde—would NOT be on the Sex Offense Registry.
————————————————————————————————————————
Crimes that could be on a Public FELONY Registry:
· Arson * Bombing *Animal abuse
· Assault with a deadly weapon
· Bank Robbery *Retail Robbery
· Burglary *Home Invasion
· Car Theft *Carjacking
· Drug Traffic & Manufacturing
· Cybercrime *Fraud *Forgery
· Domestic violence *Rape
· DUI *DUI manslaughter
· Elder abuse *Stalking
· Adulterated poisoned food.
· Embezzlement *Extortion
· Gang-related violence
· Grand theft * Larceny *Mail Theft
· Human trafficking *Kidnapping
· Homicide *Murder *Manslaughter
· White-collar crime *Insider trading
· Prostitution *Sextortion *Scams
· Rioting   *Terrorism  *Torture
· School, mall, and mass shootings

A Call for Change A REGISTRY FOR ALL FELONIES or A REGISTRY FOR NONE
 
*a FELONY REGISTRY exists* – open to police, sheriff, law enforcement, probation and government workers – but NOT YOU – the taxpaying public. 
 
Make the Felony Registry PUBLIC like the Sex Offense Registry.*
 
Share the facts. Share the message.  Fairness. — Equality — Reform Protect the Public
A REGISTRY FOR ALL or A REGISTRY FOR NONE.                     Stop Discrimination

First, the bill HR 7453 could very well be a death sentence, in that if a person can’t get medical attention and/or medication for a medical issue, I am reasonably sure
that person is not going to just suddenly get well he/she is only going to get worse?? Not to mention the mental torture of slowly wasting away & dying because of something that might have happened or not, a very long time ago???If that ain’t (punishment) torture, folks, what is???
And so, we come to HR 7702, the death penalty, execution just take them out back & shoot them, hang them, or stick a needle in their arm the minute they are found guilty doesn’t seem to me the constitution is not being followed anyhow so why wait & prolong the inevitable and while we are on that topic, why not go back and drag all those that are already on the registry & execute them as well if would save a lot time & money??? Constitution is not being followed, human rights, expo facto, the right to life liberty & pursuit of happiness and no risk assessment just automatic life on the registry, seems to me after 30 or 40 years you should not be consider much of a risk? Has it ever occurred to anyone that if you go to prison for murder with a life sentence without the possibilty parole you still have a chance to get out someday, there are exceptions in a few states, but don’t believe there are many??

A new bill proposed in Oklahoma SB1540 would make grooming a felony

People should look online for the re-trial of the Mayor of DeRidder, LA who seemed to think it was ok to have intimate relations with a minor (a friend of her son) at a party she hosted for the minors and was caught by her children in the act. I mention this because if found guilty, she faces a lot but the fact she provided alcohol to the minors as well. Talk about abusing a position of trust…

This is applicable at all levels of society who do this when it comes to PFR facts, etc. Remember it, share it, use it against those who chose to be such people:

“One of the most cowardly things ordinary people do is to shut their eyes to facts.” ― C.S. Lewis, Chronicles of Narnia: The Voyage of the Dawn Treader

Our legal system exhibits this it all too much when it comes to legal situations being presented and deliberated.

Last edited 1 month ago by TS

And from the land of cheese (WI) comes a female nurse convicted of abusing her position of trust and having sexual relations with her patient of the drug court…no word on whether the patient successfully overcame their drug habit or was willing for further treatment in the program after being accused of sex assault in the nurse’s effort to distract the investigation.

Woman Sues After Prison Staff Decided To Use Her as Rape ‘Bait’ (Reason.com 4 Mar 2026)
Big money coming to her after their Qual Immunity defense was denied.

Interesting experience. I went into the Sheriff ofc yesterday to complete my bi-annual check in. They said I didn’t have a check in date. As it turns out, when I reported my 21 day notice of travel, the wingnut clerk at the desk changed my home address to the address of the resort showing me as living outside the country. When I went in yesterday they couldn’t process my verification. She contacted Michigan State Police. Now they want me to return to re-verify. I did what I was suppose to do. I still have my printed, stamped and signed notice of travel. It sounds more like a their problem than a my problem. I certainly don’t want to end up in jail. WTH?

I have a letter written by the judge that presided over my case stating that I’m free and clear from “lifetime monitoring” and has terminated probation early in my case due to exigent circumstances. This was like 6 years ago. I went to “treatment” for 5 or 6 years, but was told by my probation officer that treatment was no longer necessary since the judge dropped lifetime monitoring and probation restrictions.

My question is, when I file for petition for removal, would the judge’s letter supercede and override a “completed treatment” form? I DO have payment receipts where i attended treatment, but once lifetime monitoring was dropped, treatment was statisfied.

I live in SC btw.

I highly believe that HR 7453 must be denied. Denying Medicaid to registrants is like a gradual way of giving the death penalty. It’s like blocking the ordinary people from getting the therapy that could possibly cure or at least subside their diseases and bring them back to normal functioning. Registrants want to live healthy, appropriate, acceptable lives. They want to get away from the harmful behaviors. They want to give respect. Therefore, they should receive respect.

I strongly believe that HR 7453 should not become passed as a law. I am a registrant, but I’m overall an ordinary person who has thoughts, feelings and behaviors like every other person in the world. I have made many mistakes in my life. But I do a lot of self-examination and do exercises to prevent repeating mistakes. I have done some abusive speech and behaviors to people, but I felt guilty for them after the incident and became more cautious and considerate to other people’s wellbeing. At the same time, I want other people to be considerate and respectful to me in return. I believe I should receive all the health benefits I can get to take care of my health, both physically and mentally. I believe that if I continuously get Medicaid benefits, I will more easily prevent further misbehavior.

Controversial Geofence Warrants Face Supreme Court Challenge (Reason.com 6 Mar 2026)

Technological innovations allow the authorities to see who has visited whole geographic areas without specific warrants as required by 4A.

Congress is considering abolishing your right to be anonymous online. The bipartisan push to remove anonymity from the internet is ushering in an era of unprecedented mass surveillance and censorship.

https://theintercept.com/2026/03/05/kosa

KOSA – Kids Online Safety Act. The gov is using “to protect the children” as an excuse to take away some first amendment rights. Maybe parents should keep tabs on what their children are doing online instead of relying upon the government to protect the children.

I am in West Ky and can not find any type of registrant support, advocacy groups or legal support. I feel like I have been harassed and (defamed) by a private organization would like any help.

So since the Ellingberg decision, Where does that leave a PFR from a 1991 sex offence. (That signed a plea deal) with the ex facto decision. Since a sex crime is falling under civil. I am trying to understand. Is anyone taking this go court? Is FAC doing anything? Is ACSOL doing anything? Opinions on hiring a attorney? Any hope?

Wondering if anyone can answer this question. I left California shortly after my 288a conviction in 1992. Registration was transferred to my new state where I am now no longer on their registry. If I return to Calif, even though I am no longer required to register anywhere else, will I have to re-register all over again? I think the answer to this is yes, but I’m trying to understand why I would be required to do so since I transferred out of California and am now off the registry in a state where I have been living a good clean life for 35 years.

AB 2753 must not be passed into law. Registrants including me have served our penalty time. Particular for me, I did not commit any violence or delinquency while I was locked up in the county jail. I never made any schemes to disrespect or harm anybody else around me. I only respected the officers and minded my own business. I read the bible and prayed mostly each day. I focused on getting rid of evil intentions or desires. I behaved nicely and courteously towards other people in the jail and out in society when I got out while on probation and even now after I got off probation. I believe that even I can run for office. I’m confident that if I was in office, I would work to make sure I distinguish people who want to stop abusing other people and those who don’t. There is no way anybody in the world can say absolutely that registrants are surely going to assault again if we took on a political leadership role.

I suppose most people heard about the terrorist who attacked at Old Dominion University on Thursday but was only able to murder one person before being murdered himself. His name was Jalloh. Witnesses said he yelled “Allahu Akbar” before attacking.

I’ve read a few news articles about it. They are consistent in saying that in 2017, Jalloh was sentenced to 11 years in prison plus five years supervised release for attempting to provide material support to ISIS. He was released from prison in Dec. 2024.

But not one of the news sources say that he was forced to take “therapy” in prison or even out of prison. And not one says that he was listed on the Terrorist Registry. Apparently, he never needed therapy or was ever dangerous. It’s not like he looked at illegal pictures or anything like that.

This person could have been living right next door to my family. I have a right to know about that. He could have been working near where I go. He could have been living near a school, a swimming pool, or school bus stop.

I need for the criminal regimes and Registry A**holes/Supporters/Terrorists to lie to me some more about how [People Forced to Register (PFR)] need “therapy” and that their glorious SEX Registries are for “public safety” and “protecting children”.

They are liars. They have no credibility and they likely never will.

The SEX Registries are an abject failure that have put every American in more danger than they would be if the Registries didn’t exist. They are truly idiotic social policy.

I think every single time some criminal commits more crimes, millions of people should contact their legislators, SEX “therapy” grifters, polygraph grifters, LE, NCMEC, etc., etc., etc., and ask them why, if the SEX Registries are so glorious and useful, that these criminals were not listed on a Registry that would have prevented the crime.

Ellion Riven And The Structure
 
Written By Quiet too long 03/13/2026
 
The Rivens had arrived in their new home, but the story was already old. For families like theirs, the digital world had written the ending before the first chapter began. Ellion Riven’s name — frozen in time by a decade‑old conviction — floated through neighborhood gossip like a warning flare. Some neighbors stared, some whispered, some pretended not to see him at all. Respect came and went depending on the weather, the news cycle, or whatever rumor was circulating that week.
One afternoon, Ellion took his wife — the local “fairy queen” in the children’s eyes — and their two kids out for ice‑cream novelty bars. A simple family moment. But someone recognized him. A scoff, a muttered comment, a look that said you don’t belong here. It was demeaning, unnecessary, and painfully familiar.
The police didn’t intervene; they rarely did. If anything, they treated Ellion’s presence with his own children as suspicious, as if the kids were somehow part of the accusation. He answered every question calmly, because compliance had become his survival skill. The “civil” obligation placed on him years ago — just tell us where you live, nothing more — had grown into a maze of shifting rules where every wrong turn carried felony consequences.
His online job gave him the flexibility to stay home, and his wife kept the household steady. They considered homeschooling, but isolating the children felt cruel. Yet sending them into a school system full of plays, sports, bands, and social life — all things the children deserved — meant Ellion and his wife would be barred from participating. The rules didn’t allow it. A “civil” system had quietly rewritten the definition of family involvement.
The message was clear: Family life is permitted, but only at a distance. Participation is forbidden. Presence is criminalized.
The digital framework amplified the fear. It erased nuance, flattened context, and replaced constitutional rights with a public‑safety narrative that demanded constant sacrifice from the same families it claimed not to punish. Every step Ellion took felt like a felony waiting to happen — not because he was dangerous, but because the structure needed him to be.
And while only the registrant faced prison, the spouse faced the emotional fallout. The instinct to protect — the same instinct any parent or partner would feel — collided with laws that treated even ordinary family defense as a violation.
This was the reality the Rivens lived in: a world where the system called itself civil, but behaved like punishment.
 
 
One morning, Ellion Riven needed to pick up petrol for the lawn mower. The starter rope had snapped, so he planned to replace it and get the machine running before the weekend. He tossed the old tools and a few spare parts onto a blanket in the back seat so the grease wouldn’t stain the upholstery. He told his wife he’d be back shortly.
At the hardware store, he bought what he needed — a length of rope, a small tool kit, and a few extra items he thought might be useful for repairs around the house. The rope came in a 25‑foot coil, far more than he needed, but it was cheaper that way. When the clerk casually asked what he was working on, Ellion kept his answer brief. Over the years, he’d learned that even harmless questions could turn into uncomfortable conversations, so he simply said it was personal.
The clerk didn’t mean any harm, but later, when the local officers stopped by for their usual morning coffee, he mentioned the purchase in a lighthearted “I wonder what he’s fixing now” sort of way. They all laughed, and the officers went on with their day.
A short time later, during their routine patrol, the officers noticed a car pulled over near the school. The hood was up. They approached, as they would with any stranded motorist. But when they saw who it was — Ellion Riven — the tone shifted. Not because of anything he’d done, but because the system had trained them to see him differently.
To them, he wasn’t a father fixing a mower. He wasn’t a neighbor running errands. He was a “registrant,” a category that carried its own assumptions.
They glanced into the back seat and saw the tools, the rope, the blanket. Ordinary items. But through the lens of suspicion, they became something else — something imagined, not real. A misunderstanding took shape before Ellion even knew he was being judged. He explained calmly, as he always did. He showed the receipt. He answered their questions. He stayed respectful, because he knew that compliance was the only safe path.
The officers listened through the narrow lens the system had taught them to use. By the time they approached Ellion, the damage was already done: another ordinary moment had been reframed as something questionable simply because of who he was in the database.
They asked for his license and registration. Routine on its face — but the moment they radioed it in, the tone shifted. The return message flagged him as a registrant and noted the school’s proximity. What had been a simple roadside stop now carried a different weight, not because of Ellion’s actions, but because of the structure wrapped around his name.
The officers began gathering the items from his back seat — the rope, the tools, the blanket — not because they were dangerous, but because the system had taught them to treat context as suspicion. Anything he said could be interpreted against him, never for him. The presumption of normalcy had evaporated.
What had started as a broken lawn‑mower rope had become, in the system’s imagination, something else entirely.
This was the quiet transformation Ellion lived with daily. A system that called itself “civil” had created a world where ordinary errands could be misunderstood, where proximity rules turned geography into liability, and where a man fixing his mower could be treated as if he were doing something far more serious.
It wasn’t the tools in his car that caused the problem. It wasn’t the location. It wasn’t the rope.
It was the structure — a framework that converted everyday life into potential wrongdoing, not through evidence, but through assumption.
And once the assumption took hold, everything else followed.
The officers made their decision quickly. The car was impounded “for evidence,” though no one could explain evidence of what. And Ellion Riven — a man who had been fixing a lawn mower an hour earlier — was placed under arrest for non‑compliance. A felony. A charge that could take up to five years of his life. A “non‑punitive” reaction, the system would call it, even as it tore through the center of his family.
For Ellion, the consequences were immediate. He was the sole provider. Even two weeks away would destabilize the household. Two months would break it. Five years would erase it entirely.
His wife wept when she heard the news. The children didn’t understand the legal language, but they felt the absence, the fear, the sudden silence in the house. They were not detained, but they lived inside the fallout — a kind of invisible confinement with no walls, no bars, just the weight of a system that treated them as collateral.
Desperate, his wife went to local attorneys. She explained the misunderstanding, the tools, the rope, the broken mower, the proximity rule he hadn’t even known he’d triggered. But each lawyer gave the same answer: the civil docket was “unassailable,” the rules were “clear,” and the safest path was simply to accept whatever the system demanded.
“It’s civil,” they said. “It’s not punishment,” they said. “It’s better not to fight it,” they said.
But the consequences were not civil. The consequences were not mild. The consequences were not something a family could simply absorb.
A structure that claimed neutrality had produced a result indistinguishable from punishment. And the people caught inside it — Ellion, his wife, his children — were left to navigate the wreckage.
Ellion Riven was placed in jail to await his first appearance. The cell was loud, crowded, and tense — the kind of place where people sized each other up quickly. Before long, another inmate approached him with the usual question: “You got your paperwork?”
It was a common request inside the walls. People wanted to know who they were dealing with. Ellion had learned long ago that the safest answer was to say nothing about his past until the legal process was over. But sometimes the news traveled faster than he could speak. Sometimes people already thought they knew his story.
He kept to himself, avoiding conflict, avoiding conversation, avoiding the assumptions that could spiral into something worse. He knew the safest path was silence and distance.
Meanwhile, his wife was outside, trying desperately to find a way to bring him home. But the rules surrounding his charge — “non‑compliance,” a civil label masking a felony consequence — left her with almost no options. Constitutional protections that applied to others seemed to evaporate the moment the registry was involved. Every attorney she spoke to said the same thing:
“It’s civil. The court won’t treat it like a normal case.” “The statute is strict. There’s no room to argue.” “You may have to accept whatever they decide.”
She refused to believe that. She searched online, digging through civil‑rights articles, legal commentaries, and experimental arguments she barely understood. A few pieces hinted at something — a structural flaw, a constitutional pressure point, a way the system might be overreaching. But without a lawyer willing to take the case, the words felt like locked doors.
The children asked when their father was coming home. She didn’t know how to answer. They weren’t behind bars, but they lived inside the consequences — a kind of invisible confinement that followed them from room to room.
The end of the ordeal felt close enough to touch, yet impossibly out of reach. A stone’s throw away — but the throw was blocked by a structure that insisted it was “civil,” even as it reshaped their entire lives.
 
Ellion Riven remained in jail as the days blurred into weeks. The charge — “non‑compliance,” a civil label wrapped around a felony consequence — carried a potential five‑year sentence. The system insisted it wasn’t punishment, but everything about it felt punitive: the confinement, the fear, the uncertainty, the way his family’s life collapsed around the absence of one person.
His wife tried everything she could. She called lawyers, searched for help, read articles that hinted at constitutional arguments she didn’t fully understand. But every door closed the same way:
“It’s civil. There’s nothing to challenge.” “The statute is strict.” “You can’t fight this.”
The children felt the loss in ways they couldn’t articulate. Their home was still standing, but the foundation had cracked. They weren’t behind bars, yet they lived inside the consequences — the silence at dinner, the empty chair, the fear that tomorrow might bring worse news.
The public outcry didn’t help. Once a person’s name entered the digital world, the narrative hardened. Context disappeared. Nuance vanished. A decade‑old mistake became a permanent identity. The system didn’t need to punish; the public did it for them.
And so the story ended the way too many stories like this do: not with justice, not with balance, but with a family crushed under the weight of a structure that insisted it was “civil” even as it reshaped their entire lives.
There were no happy endings here — only the quiet truth that once the system assigns a label, the penalties that follow are grim, harsh, and unrelenting. The Rivens were not alone in this. Their story echoed thousands of others, each one a reminder that a civil scheme can still break a family, even without calling itself punishment.
 
Fictional Disclaimer
This story is a work of fiction. All characters, including Ellion Riven, are entirely invented. Any resemblance to real individuals, cases, or events — past, present, or future — is purely coincidental. The name “Ellion Riven” is used symbolically; if researched, its meaning reflects the themes of fracture, imbalance, and structural strain explored in this narrative.
The events described here illustrate how civil restraints, when expanded without review, can drift into systems that feel punitive in effect. References to concepts such as “Ellingburg v. United States” are fictional devices used to examine how outdated civil classifications might conflict with modern constitutional standards. Nothing in this story reflects real legal outcomes, real statutes, or real litigation.
Although the narrative depicts situations that could occur within any civil‑restriction framework, it does so only to explore the tension between public policy, constitutional values, and the lived experience of individuals. No part of this work should be interpreted as legal advice, factual reporting, or commentary on any actual person or case. It is fiction — and remains fiction — even where it touches on themes that many people may recognize in their own lives.

Anyone in here from NV? I’ve noticed we don’t really have an advocacy groups out here and I was wondering if anyone has thought about trying to fight AB 579? At least the no route off for tier 3 after being reclassified due to that stupid law? I know it’s probably a reach but nothing will change if people don’t try ya know?

Hello, fellow people, I wanted to bring to your attention a new 4th Circuit decision that limits the reach of SORNA. Everyone knows that the law says that if a person, ” travels in interstate commerce” then the jurisdictional bridge is built. This means that , if you go by car, plane, train or bus across state lines you have just been eaten by the federal government. However, if you get to the state line, and WALk across it become a state issue, and is a routine pedestrian commute across a state-line bridge within a single metropolitan area—specifically from Cincinnati, Ohio, to Kentucky—constitutes a “localized pedestrian loop” that falls outside the constitutional reach of the Commerce Clause as defined by United States v. Lopez, 514 U.S. 549 (1995) and United States v. Morrison, 529 U.S. 598 (2000).

As recently signaled in United States v. Perez, No. 24-4039 (4th Cir. 2025), the federal government cannot rely on stale, non-commercial, and transient events to override the settled, exempt status of a sedentary resident. The ‘circuit’ of interstate travel was extinguished in December 2025, and the Petitioner’s current localized life in Maryland remains insulated from federal reach.”

And 2250 only regulates travels not travel[ed] and that spent energy or travel disappears once you have sat down for a while. It’s called the Coming to Rest doctrine.( a few weeks to months). Just make sure you report anyways , most people aren’t with Romeo and Juliet cases.

Hello, fellow people, I wanted to bring to your attention a new 4th Circuit decision that limits the reach of SORNA. Everyone knows that the law says that if a person, ” travels in interstate commerce” then the jurisdictional bridge is built. This means that , if you go by car, plane, train or bus across state lines you have just been eaten by the federal government. However, if you get to the state line, and WALk across it become a state issue, and is a routine pedestrian commute across a state-line bridge within a single metropolitan area—specifically from Cincinnati, Ohio, to Kentucky—constitutes a “localized pedestrian loop” that falls outside the constitutional reach of the Commerce Clause as defined by United States v. Lopez, 514 U.S. 549 (1995) and United States v. Morrison, 529 U.S. 598 (2000).

As recently signaled in United States v. Perez, No. 24-4039 (4th Cir. 2025), the federal government cannot rely on stale, non-commercial, and transient events to override the settled, exempt status of a sedentary resident. The ‘circuit’ of interstate travel was extinguished in December 2025, and the Petitioner’s current localized life in Maryland remains insulated from federal reach.”

And 2250 only regulates travels not travel[ed] and that spent energy or travel disappears once you have sat down for a while. It’s called the coming to rest doctrine. Just make sure you report anyways most people aren’t with Romeo and Juliet cases.

The only thing is this keeps you within the State’s punishment scheme or where you’re exempt based on age or you don’t meet the criteria.

The Marshals Service can’t touch you for walking across a state line and under Lopez the Supreme Court won’t allow the United States to govern walking across state lines.

A routine pedestrian commute across the bridge from Cincinnati to Kentucky epitomizes the ‘localized loop’ that falls outside the constitutional reach of the Commerce Clause. Under the limiting principles of United States v. Lopez and United States v. Morrison, a non-economic pedestrian walk within a single metropolitan area cannot be aggregated into a federal ‘interstate’ event. To hold otherwise would reduce the ‘interstate’ element of 18 U.S.C. § 2250 to a mere legal fiction, granting the federal government an unlimited police power over the daily movements of citizens who—like the Petitioner—are in full compliance with their home jurisdiction’s laws. When a Petitioner’s life is sedentary and localized; his pedestrian movement is a routine life function, not a jurisdictional bridge for federal intervention.

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